Though Nixon had won the endorsement of many newspapers during the 1960 Presidential Campaign, Nixon still thought ill of the press and believed them to be unfair to him. Woodward and Bernstein added some mystery to their coverage of Watergate by announcing that they had an anonymous source they got their information from. The press and other media have had a huge impact on the way we think about Watergate and about journalism in general. Copyright 2015 by Harvard University. Watergate: At a Glance The public reaction to the Watergate scandal was mixed. In the Watergate report, it was mostly The New York Times and The Washington Post that gave an almost monthly coverage of the developments of Watergate affair from the start of Watergate break-in.
It had created the Washington Star to counter the Washington Post and anti-government reporting. The story she produced was sensational. Prominent newspapers like The Washington Post and The New York Times merely capitalized on this opposing force to report on Richard Nixon who happened to be the most newsworthy men in America. There's also a movie on the topic that is called All the President's Men. Another important change was the undoing of limitations having been placed on the role of press in reporting the governmental activities.
As much as Watergate is a model of the journalism that we admire, you can also see in it the origins of the distrust we have today. By concentrating most of the attention on one single man and a few men close to him for such an obviously elaborated intelligence operations prior to and after Watergate which involved a wide spectrum of personnel and government institutions, the media failed to highlight possible power abuses at various levels. In keeping with his own wishes, he was not given a , though his funeral service 5 days later was a high-profile affair, attended by all 5 living U. They came to be known as Woodsteins. This forum held on the 35th anniversary of the Watergate break-in celebrated the opening of the Woodward-Bernstein Watergate Archive.
As in many situations, people don't see at first how important the media are to the topic. It survives to a large extent impervious to critique. The Great Submarine Snatch, time, 31 March 1975, 32. To learn about these, click. In short, the media had unwittingly helped to exonerate the role played by intelligence agencies and the personnel involved by putting all the blames on Nixon Administration, leaving room for future abuses.
It was the end of naivete. Nixon was acutely aware of the power of media in which he put to good use in his 1968 presidential campaign. For example, the aftermath of Watergate ushered in changes in campaign finance reform and a more aggressive attitude by the media. It is high noon in Washington, with two white-hatted young reporters at one end of the street and the black-hatted president at the other, protected by his minions. The press, truth its only weapon, saves the day. The Deep Throat was a good friend of Woodward before the Watergate break-in. We are continually improving the quality of our text archives.
They knew that it was quite difficult to meet or interview a government official about the case in the White House, and most of the time they will not have let them meet any body in such situation. At times, it looked as if it might cost them their jobs, their reputations, perhaps even their lives. In short, carefully timed leaks, not media investigations, provided the first news of Watergate. The final blow came with the decision by the Supreme Court to order Nixon to release more White House tapes. The press began to act as a watchdog to keep a check on the workings of the government by adopting an unrestrained role. However, the Supreme Court ruled that the press had constitutional right to publish the documents.
But the Obama White House has used new media to take image control to new levels. Retrieved from World Affairs Board; a community of discussion: Marion, E. Now comes the media part. It was the House of Representatives that authorized Judiciary Committee impeachment inquiry. A lot of journalism schools were established as it had become a favorite subject of the American youth. All the President's Men was more than merely entertaining.
The journalists were dubbed as the saviors of democracy. They also introduced some techniques which may prove helpful to reporters in carrying out inquiries against illegal and illicit workings of the government. It is unhesitatingly an acceptable fact that the tide of American journalism starts from the late eighteenth century, passes through the nineteenth century, and reaches its climax in the late twentieth century. I believe that the reporting of Woodward and Bernstein represents a milestone of American journalism. The combined weight of all the allegations that had been made during the course of the investigation of the scandal led to the initiation of a formal impeachment inquiry by the House Judiciary Committee in May 1974. But it is clear that as Watergate unfolded from 1972 to 1974, media revelations of crimes and political misdeeds repeated what was already known to properly constituted investigative authorities. Still, some 35 million or so Americans watched the Ervin hearings at one time or another.
After their presentations the participants responded to audience members' questions. What effect has Watergate had on journalism since Nixon's resignation? And the public got behind it because of the press. I'm amazed when the id of the Deep Throat is revealed. Eleven years later, this onetime Nixon and then Goldwater fan, Bob Woodward, would start working on a story for the Washington Post about a burglary in the Watergate apartment and office complex. The presidential administration had devised such plans that the government officials began to avoid meeting Woodward and Bernstein. It could have triggered a war with Russia, had they not adopted a silent profile over what they came to know about. In short, it is justifiable to state that the two antagonistic arguments of the media effect of the Watergate are justified and based on facts of history.
According to a quantitative analysis by University of Illinois professor Louis W. Project Jennifer, New York Times, 20 March 1975, 30. Nixon resigned not because he misused funds donated to his 1972 campaign but because he clearly obstructed justice. The burglars turned out to be part of a wide-ranging political espionage and sabotage operation run by President Nixon's top aides, one that triggered a massive White House cover-up directed by the president himself. The purpose of the case study of these two mysterious and unknown events is to test the legitimacy and responsibility of the role the press played in the post-Watergate period.